June 14, 2017

Thoughts on the Present State of American Affairs

In the following article I offer nothing more than simple facts, plain arguments, and common sense; and have no other business to settle with the reader, than that you will divest yourself of prejudice and prepossession, and suffer your reason and your feelings to determine for yourselves; that you will put on, or rather that you will not put off, the true character of a human being, and generously enlarge your views beyond the present day.

Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle between Government and the Governed. People of all ranks have embarked in the controversy, from different motives, and with various designs; but all have been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed. Arms, as the last resource, decide the contest; the appeal was the choice of D.C., and free people have accepted the challenge.

The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. ’It is not the affair of a city, a country, a state, or the District of Columbia, but of a free people—of at least one eighth part of the habitable globe. ’Its not the concern of a day, a year, or an age; virtually all of human freedom is involved in the contest, and will be more or less affected, even to the end of time, by the proceedings now. Now is the seed time of freedom, liberty, justice and honor. The smallest fracture now will be like a name engraved with the point of a knife on the tender rind of a young oak; the wound will enlarge with the tree, and all future generations will read it in full grown characters.

By referring the issue from an argument to arms, a new era for politics is struck; a new method of thinking must arise. All plans, proposals and methods to solve differences prior to the commencement of hostilities, are like the protests of the last year; which, though reasonable then, have been supplanted and become useless now. Whatever was advanced by the advocates on either side of a question then, terminated in one and the same point, less individual freedom; the only difference between the parties was the method of enacting change; the one proposing force, the other a tax; so far the first is enforced, and the second has become too heavy.

Much has been said of the advantages of reconciliation, which, like an bad dream, has passed away and left us worse than we were, it is but right, that we should examine the contrary side of the argument, and inquire into some of the many injuries which these "free people" sustain, and always will sustain, by being passive with, and dependent on Washington D.C. To examine that passivity and dependence, on the principles of nature and common sense, to see what we can expect, if apathetic, and what we are to expect, if dependent.

I have heard it asserted by some, that America has flourished under her former connection with D.C., that the same connection is necessary towards her future happiness, and will always have the same effect. Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a child has thrived upon milk, that it will never have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true, for I answer Loudly, that America would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no centralized power had any thing to do with her. The commerce, by which she has enriched herself are the necessaries of life, and will always have a market while eating is the primary concern in Life.

But D.C. has protected us, say some. That they have engrossed us is true, and defended the continent at our expense as well as their own is admitted, and D.C. would have defended Turkey from the same motive, viz. the sake of trade and dominion.

Alas, we have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and made large sacrifices to superstition. We have boasted the protection of D.C., without considering, that their motive was interest not attachment; that they did not protect us from our enemies on our account, but from their enemies on their own account, from those who had no quarrel with us on any other account, and who will always be our enemies on the same account. Let Washington wave his pretensions to freedom, or freed people throw off the dependence, and we should be at peace with all were they at war with D.C. The miseries of the Vietnam war ought to warn us against connections.

It has lately been asserted in Congress, that the people have no relation to each other but through the pursuit of political aims, i.e. that Urban areas and Rural areas, and so on for the rest, are only countrymen by way of D.C.; this is certainly a very round-about way of proving relationship, but it is the nearest and only true way of proving enemyship, if I may so call it. Russia and China never were, nor perhaps ever will be our enemies as Americans, but only of our being slaves to D.C..
But D.C is the parent, say some. Then the more shame upon their conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages make war upon their families; where the assertion, if true, turns to their protection; but it happens not to be true, or only partly so, and the phrase parent or Government has been religiously adopted by D.C. and their parasites, with a low religious design of gaining an unfair bias on faith and the weakness of our minds. Liberty, and not D.C., is the parent of America. This country has been the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from every part of the Planet. Here have they fled, not for the tender embraces of D.C., but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true of D.C., that the same tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants still.

In this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow limits of 68 miles (the size of D.C.) and carry our Freedom on a larger scale; we claim Liberty and brotherhood for every person fleeing Tyranny, and triumph in the generosity of the sentiment.

It is pleasant to observe by what regular gradations we surmount the force of local prejudice, as we enlarge our understanding of Freedom and Liberty. A person born in any town in the World, divided into regions, will naturally associate most with people in their locality (because their interests in many cases will be common) and distinguish them by the name of neighbor; if they meet them but a few miles from home, they drop the narrow idea of a street, and salute them by the name of townsman; if they travel out of the county, and meet them in any other, they forget the minor divisions of street and town, and calls them countryman, i.e. county-man; but if in their foreign excursions they should associate in any part of the world, their local remembrance would be enlarged into that of American. And by a just parity of reasoning, all people meeting for Liberty in America, or any other quarter of the globe, are seeking to throw off Tyranny; for D.C., Europe, the Middle East, or Asia, when compared with the whole, stand in the same places on the larger scale, which the divisions of street, town, and county do on the smaller ones; distinctions too limited for free minds. Not one of the inhabitants, even of my State, are free of Tyranny. Therefore I chastise the idea that self governance is derived only from D.C., as being false, selfish, narrow and ungenerous.

But admitting, that we are all governed by D.C., what does it amount to? Nothing. Washington, being now an open enemy, extinguishes every other name and title: And to say that reconciliation is our duty, is truly ridiculous. The first Patriots of the United States of America (That fought in the American Revolution) were governed by England, and half the Peers of the country are descendants from the same Patriots; therefore, by the same method of reasoning, D.C. ought to be governed by England.

Much has been said of the united strength of D.C. and the States, that in conjunction they might bid defiance to the world. But this is mere presumption; the fate of war is uncertain, neither do the expressions mean any thing; for this continent would never suffer itself to be drained of inhabitants, to support the aims and arms of D.C. in the pursuit of a global tyranny.

Besides what do we have to do with setting the world at defiance? Our plan is Freedom, Liberty and commerce, and that, well attended to, will secure us the peace and friendship of anyone seeking to throw off tyranny ; because, it is the interest of America to have a free port. Our trade will always be a protection, and our love of Freedom and Liberty secure us from invaders.

I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to show, a single advantage that this country can reap, by being connected with D.C.. I repeat the challenge, not a single advantage is derived. Our industry will fetch its price in any market in the World, and our imported goods must be paid for buy them where we will.

But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection, are without number; and our duty to mankind at large, as well as to ourselves, instruct us to renounce the alliance: Because, any submission to, or dependence on D.C., tends directly to involve this continent in endless wars and quarrels; and sets us at variance with nations, who may otherwise seek our friendship. As Freedom is our goal, we ought to form no partial connection with any part of Washington. It is the true interest of America to steer clear of Beltway contentions, which we never can do, with our dependence on D.C., we are made the financier in the looting of Washington politics.

D.C. is too thickly planted with lobbyists to be long at peace, and whenever a war breaks out between the US and any foreign power, the economy of America goes to ruin, because of our connection with D.C.. The next war may not turn out like the last, and should it not, the advocates for reconciliation now will be wishing for separation then, because, neutrality in that case, would be a safer convoy than a nuclear war. Every thing that is right or natural pleads for separation. The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, ’Tis time to part. Even the chasm between your Average D.C. politician and the rest of America, is a strong and obvious proof, that the authority of the one, over the other, was never the design of Liberty. The time likewise at which the government was established, adds weight to the argument, and the manner in which it has manifest increases the force of it. The abolition of slavery was preceded by the American Revolution, as if to establish a sanctuary to the persecuted in future years, when home should afford neither friendship nor safety.

The authority of Washington D.C. over this continent, is a form of tyranny, which sooner or later must have an end: And a serious mind can draw no true pleasure by looking forward, under the painful and positive conviction, that what he calls “the present constitution” is merely temporary. As parents, we can have no joy, knowing that this government is not sufficiently committed to ensure any thing which we may give to posterity: And by a plain method of argument, as we are running the next generation into debt and servitude, we ought to do what is necessary, otherwise we use them meanly and pitifully. In order to discover the line of our duty rightly, we should take our children in our hand, and fix our station a few years further into life; that realization will present a prospect, which a few present fears and prejudices conceal from justice.

Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offense, I am inclined to believe, that all those who espouse the doctrine of reconciliation, may be included within the following descriptions. Interested men, who are not to be trusted; weak men, who cannot see; prejudiced men, who will not see; and a certain set of moderate men, who think better of the Washington world than it deserves; and this last class, by an ill-judged deliberation, will be the cause of more calamities to all of Freedom, than all the other three.

It is the good fortune of many of us to live so distant from the scene of sorrow; the evil is not sufficiently brought to their doors to make them feel the precariousness with which all American property is possessed. But let our imaginations transport us for a few moments to Detroit, that seat of wretchedness will teach us wisdom, and instruct us forever to renounce a power in whom we can have no trust. The inhabitants of that unfortunate city, who but a few decades ago were in ease and affluence, have now, little other alternative than to stay and starve, or turn out to beg. Endangered by the desparation of their friends if they continue within the city, and made homeless if they leave it. In their present condition they are prisoners without hope.

People of passive tempers look somewhat lightly over the offenses of D.C., and, still hoping for the best, are apt to call out, “Come, come, we shall change it from the inside.” But examine the passions and feelings of mankind, Bring the doctrine of reconciliation to the touchstone of nature, and then tell me, whether you can thereafter love, honor, and faithfully serve the power that has carried terror and tyranny into your land? If you cannot do all these, then are you only deceiving yourselves, and by your delay bringing ruin upon posterity. Your future connection with D.C., whom you can neither love nor honor, will be forced and unnatural, and being formed only on the plan of present convenience, will in a little time fall into a relapse more wretched than ever before. But if you say, you can still pass the violations over, then I ask, Has your house been illegally and unjustly raided? Has your property been destroyed before your face? Are your spouse and children without the basic necessities of life? Have you lost a parent or a child by their hands, and yourself made the ruined and wretched survivor? If you have not, then are you not a judge of all those who have. But if you have, and still can shake hands with the murderers, then are you unworthy of the name of husband, wife, father, mother, friend, or lover, and whatever may be your station or title in life, you have the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a sycophant.

This is not inflaming or exaggerating matters, but trying them by those feelings and affections which nature justifies, and without which, we should be incapable of discharging the social duties of life, or enjoying the felicities of it. I mean not to exhibit horror for the purpose of provoking revenge, but to awaken us from fatal and unmanly slumbers, that we may pursue determinately some fixed object. It is not in the power of D.C. or of Government to conquer America, if we do not conquer ourselves by delay and apathy. The present summer is worth a lifetime if rightly employed, but if lost or neglected, the whole continent will partake of the misfortune; and there is no punishment which that person will not deserve, no matter who, or what, or where they will be, that can justify sacrificing a season so precious and useful.

It is repugnant to reason, to the universal order of things and to all examples from former ages, to suppose, that this continent can any longer remain subject to Tyranny. Those most confident in D.C. do not even think so. The utmost stretch of human wisdom cannot, at this time, compass a plan short of separation, which can promise the continent even a year’s security. Reconciliation is now a fallacious dream. Nature hath deserted the connection, and Art cannot supply her place. For, as Milton wisely expresses, “never can true reconciliation grow where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep.”

Every quiet method for peace has been ineffectual. Our protests have been rejected with disdain; and only tended to convince us, that nothing flatters vanity, or confirms obstinacy in Governments more than repeated petitioning—and nothing has contributed more than that very measure to make tyranny absolute: Witness the Tea Party and Occupy Wall St.. Therefore, since nothing but blows will do, for Liberty's sake, let us come to a final separation, and not leave the next generation to be cutting throats, under the violated unmeaning ideas of governors and governed.

To say, they will hear us is idle and visionary, we thought so at the DNC and RNC, yet a few whistle-blowers and leakers made us change our view; as well may we suppose that nations, which once defeated, will never renew the quarrel.

As to the matter of rights and freedom, it is not in the power of D.C. to do free people justice: The business of it is too weighty, and intricate, to be managed with any tolerable degree of convenience, by a power, so distant from Justice, and so very ignorant of us; for if they cannot conquer us, they cannot govern us. To be always running three or four hundred miles with a tale or a petition, waiting four or five months for an answer, which when obtained requires five or six more to explain it in, will in a few years be looked upon as folly and childishness—There was a time when it was proper, and there is a proper time for it to cease.

Small districts not capable themselves, are the proper objects for governments to take under their care; but there is something very absurd, in supposing a country to be perpetually governed by a district. In no instance has nature made the planet revolve around its satellite, D.C. and The States, with respect to each other, reverses the common order of nature, it is evident who answers to whom: D.C. to The States, The States to themselves.

I am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment to espouse the doctrine of separation and independence; I am clearly, positively, and conscientiously persuaded that it is in the true interest of this country to do so; that every thing short of that is mere patchwork, that we can no longer afford,—that it is leaving the sword to our children, and shrinking back at a time, when, a little more, a little farther, would have rendered this Country the glory of the earth.

As D.C. has not manifested the least inclination towards a compromise, we may be assured that no terms exist that can be obtained to the acceptance of the country, that in any way equal to the expense of blood and treasure we have been already put to.

The object, contended for, ought always to bear some just proportion to the expense. The removal of the President, or the whole detestable government, is a matter unworthy of the trillions we have expended. A temporary stoppage of compliance, is an inconvenience, which would have sufficiently balanced the repeal of all the acts complained of, had such repeals been obtained; but if the whole country must take up arms, if every person must be a soldier, it is scarcely worth our while to fight against a contemptible deep state only. Dearly, dearly, do we pay for the repeal of the acts, if that is all we fight for; for in a just estimation, it is as great a folly to pay a slave price for justice, as for Freedom. As I have always considered the Liberty of this country, as an event, which sooner or later must arrive, so from the late rapid defiance of the country to maturity, the event could not be far off. Where, on the breaking out of hostilities, it was not worth the while to have disputed a matter, which time would have finally redressed, unless we meant to be in earnest; otherwise, it is like wasting an fortune on a lawsuit, to regulate the trespasses of a tenant, who's lease is just expiring. No man was a warmer wisher for reconciliation than myself, before the revelations made by Edward Snowden, but the moment that information was made known, I rejected the hardened, sullen tempered Aristocracy of D.C. forever; and disdain the wretches, that with the pretended title 'representative of the people' can unfeelingly hear of the loss of life, liberty and pursuit of happiness, and composedly sleep with their loss upon their souls.

But admitting that matters are now made up, what would be the harm? I answer, the ruin of the country. And for several reasons.

First. The powers of governing still remaining in the hands of D.C., they will have a negative effect over the whole legislation of this country. And as they have shown themselves to be such an entrenched enemy to liberty, and discovered such a thirst for arbitrary power; are they, or are they not, a proper men to say to this country, “You shall do no thing but what we please.” And is there any inhabitant in America so ignorant, as not to know, that according to the present condition, that We The People can do nothing but what the D.C. gives sanction to; and is there any person so unwise, as not to see, that (considering all that has happened) they will suffer no consequence, but such as suit their purpose. We may be as effectually enslaved by the want of safety in America, as by submitting to safety made for us in D.C.. After consideration, can there be any doubt, that the whole power of D.C. will be exerted, to keep this country as low and humble as possible? Instead of going forward we shall go backward, or be perpetually quarreling or ridiculously petitioning.—We are already more powerful than D.C. wishes us to be, and will they not hereafter endeavor to make us less? To bring the matter to one point. Is the power who is spying on us, a proper power to govern us? Whoever says No to this question is a Libertarian, for Libertarian means no more, than, whether we shall be free from tyranny, or whether D.C., the greatest enemy this country has, or can have, shall tell us “there shall be actions over which I will not have control.”

Freedom is only a secondary object in Beltway politics, D.C. considers the good of this country, no farther than it answers their own purpose. Therefore, their own interest leads them to suppress the growth of ours in every case which does not promote their advantage, or they exempt themselves from the consequences. A pretty state we will soon be in under such a second-hand government, considering all that has happened! Men do not change from enemies to friends by the alteration of a name: And in order to show that reconciliation now is a dangerous doctrine, I affirm, that it would be policy in D.C. at this time, to correct unjust acts for the sake of reinstating themselves in the government of the states; in order, that they may accomplish by craft and subtlety, in the long run, what they could not do by force and violence in the short term. Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related.

Secondly. That even the best terms, which we can expect to obtain, can amount to no more than a temporary fix, or a kind of government by guardianship, which can last no longer than till our children come of age, so the general face and state of things, in the interim, will be unsettled and unpromising. People of reason will not choose to live in a country who's form of government hangs but by a thread, and who is every day teetering on the brink of commotion and disturbance; and scores of opportunists would take hold of the fix, to fleece the country and leave.

But the most powerful of all arguments, is, that nothing but self governance, i.e. Liberty and Freedom, can keep the peace of the country and save it from world war. I dread the event of a reconciliation with D.C. now, as it is more than probable, that it will be followed by an entanglement somewhere or other, the consequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice of D.C..

Millions are already ruined by D.C. barbarity; (millions more will probably suffer the same fate) Those people have other feelings than us who have not suffered. All they now possess is liberty, what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and having nothing more to lose, they disdain submission. Besides, the general temper of the people, towards a Beltway government, will be like that of a youth, who is nearly out of school; they will care very little about it. And a government which cannot preserve the peace, is no government at all, and in that case we pay our money for nothing; and pray what is it that D.C. can do, whose power will be wholly on paper, should a civil tumult break out the very day after reconciliation? I have heard some people say, many of whom I believe spoke without thinking, that they dread self governance, fearing that it would produce civil wars. It is but seldom that our first thoughts are truly correct, and that is the case here; for there are ten times more to dread from a patched up connection than from self governance. I make the sufferers case my own, and I protest, that were I driven from house and home, my property destroyed, and my circumstances ruined, that as man, sensible of injuries, I could never relish the doctrine of reconciliation, or consider myself bound by it.

The States have manifested such a spirit of good order and pursuit of prosperity, as is sufficient to make every reasonable person easy and happy to that end. No person can assign the least pretense for their fears, on any other grounds, than such as are truly childish and ridiculous, viz. that one State will be striving for superiority over another.

Self governance is our natural right: And when a person seriously reflects on the precariousness of human affairs, they will become convinced, that it is infinitely wiser and safer, to form a resistance, while we have it in our power, than to trust such an interesting event to time and chance. If we omit it now, some Hitler may hereafter arise, who laying hold of popular disquietude, may collect together the desperate and the discontented, and by assuming to themselves the powers of government, may sweep away the liberties of the people like a deluge. Should the government of America return again into the hands of the D.C. Deep State, the instability of things, will be a temptation for some desperate adventurer to try his fortune; and in such a case, what relief can D.C. give? Here we could hear the news, the fatal business might be done; and ourselves suffering like the world under the oppression of the Hitler. You that oppose self governance now, know not what you do; you are opening a door to eternal tyranny, by propping up oppression. There are millions, and tens of millions, who would think it glorious to expel from the country, that barbarous and hellish power, which hath stirred up the Middle East, Asia and Russia to destroy us.

To talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids us to have faith, and our wounded affections instruct us to detest, is madness and folly. Every day wears out the little remains of peace between us and them, and can there be any reason to hope, that as the relationship expires, things will reconcile, or that we shall agree better, when we have ten times more and greater concerns to fight over than ever?

You that tell us of harmony and reconciliation, can you restore to us the freedom that has been lost? Can you give a prostitute its former innocence? Neither can you reconcile D.C. and America. The last cord now is broken, the tyrants in D.C. are making moves against us. There are injuries which nature cannot forgive; she would cease to be nature if she did. The lover can forgive the rapist of their spouse, as well as the people can forgive the tyranny of DC. Liberty has imbued in us these inextinguishable feelings for good and wise purposes. They are the guardians of reason and justice. They distinguish us from the herd of common animals. Freedom would cease to exist, and justice be destroyed, or have only a casual existence were we callous to ignore these feelings. The robber, and the murderer, would often escape unpunished, if the injuries which our tempers sustain, did not provoke us to justice.

To you that love mankind! You that dare oppose, not only the tyranny, but the tyrant, stand forth! Every corner of D.C. is overrun with corruption. Freedom has been hunted round the globe. Asia, and Africa, have long expelled her—America regards her like a stranger, and Washington has given her warning to depart. Prepare for the fight, and in time create a sanctuary for mankind.

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